About and methodology

Bills

Congress.gov has no subject search, so every bill title and every CRS summary in the 119th Congress is scanned against an AI vocabulary, and a Claude model scores each match for relevance and writes a plain-English summary. Bills scoring 0.5 or higher are shown; anything from 0.3 is kept in the data so the threshold can be inspected. A short hand-curated watchlist covers bills the vocabulary misses; those are marked on their page. Last run: 18,613 titles scanned, 220 matched by title, 71 more found only in a summary, 3 of 3 watchlist entries resolved.

Votes

The House Clerk's index of every roll call and senate.gov's vote menus are joined against the tracked bills on every run, so a bill tracked today picks up the votes it had last year. A vote is kept when it is on a tracked bill, when its own question or description mentions AI (that rule captures the Senate's 99-1 vote to strike the state-law moratorium from H.R. 1, an amendment to a budget bill), or when it is an amendment to a bill that is itself about AI. Amendment votes on omnibus bills that happen to contain AI provisions are not counted as AI votes. Each roll call carries the vote category (passage, amendment, cloture, procedural) and the number of roster seats that could not be matched to a member, which is zero unless the page says otherwise. Last run: 1,547 roll calls listed by the chambers, 17 kept with full rosters. Congress.gov's own list of recorded votes for each tracked bill is reconciled against what was collected, and a missing vote fails the run.

Members

Everyone who has served in the 119th Congress, from the unitedstates/congress-legislators project. A member who leaves keeps their votes and statements and is marked as having left.

Super PAC spending (Schedule E)

Independent expenditures by the committees listed in super_pacs.json, a reviewed registry with an evidence link and review date for each. Totals are FEC's own per-candidate aggregate, which reconciles 24/48-hour notices with the periodic reports that restate them; a total built any other way is labelled. A filer can also amend a filing after making it, and only the amended figure counts: where that happened the line keeps what the earlier version said, so spending that was reported and then withdrawn is visible as such rather than as a $0 line. Every listed committee id is checked against FEC on every run, and other super PACs spending large sums in the same races are flagged for review rather than added on their own; those reviewed as not AI-industry money are recorded with what they are in excluded_committees.json. Every network is read from the same endpoint with the same rules.

What the targeted candidates say

A sitting member's position is their press releases (the Said record). A challenger has none here, so for every non-member candidate with $1 million or more of listed-network spending, candidate_positions.json holds their own words on AI, quoted verbatim from a linked source, or records that the campaign site says nothing about it. No stance is assigned.

Who funds the networks

Each super PAC's own receipts, from Schedule A. This is where the two networks differ in what can be seen, not in how they are treated: Leading the Future: The super PAC's donors are itemized on its own FEC Schedule A, so the funders above can be checked against filings. Its affiliated nonprofit, Build American AI, does not disclose donors. Public First: Jobs and Democracy and Defending Our Values are funded mainly by Public First Action, a 501(c)(4) that does not disclose its donors. Anthropic's gift is known because Anthropic announced it, not from a filing; the PAC says that money is restricted to public education. Dream NYC is the exception: its $2.8M is itemized on its own Schedule A, so the AI-lab money in it is checkable by name — except its largest single source, an entity called Elevate America ($1.15M), which is not the Michigan super PAC of that name and about which the record says nothing. Guardrails Alliance: The super PAC's donors are itemized on its own FEC Schedule A, so the funders above can be checked against filings.

Electioneering ads (Form 9)

A broadcast ad naming a candidate inside 60 days of the general election or 30 days of a primary must be reported even by a nonprofit that files nothing else. This is the only FEC window onto the 501(c)(4) side of the networks. Outside those windows, and for digital advertising, that spending is not in any filing this site can read.

Contributions to members (Schedule A)

Itemized receipts where the employer or contributor resolves through employer_aliases.json. The employer field is free text, so the alias table names each spelling it accepts and each substring hit it rejects. The FEC itemizes a contributor once their gifts to a committee pass $200 in aggregate; gifts below that appear only for donors who also gave more. Employees' personal giving and company PAC giving are separate categories.